Humans are social creatures. Since the dawn of Homo sapiens nearly 250,000 years ago, people have grouped together into communities in order to survive. Living together, people form common habits and behaviors—from specific methods of childrearing to preferred techniques for obtaining food. In modern-day Paris, many people shop daily at outdoor markets to pick up what they need for their evening meal, buying cheese, meat, and vegetables from different specialty stalls. In the United States, the majority of people shop once a week at supermarkets, filling large carts to the brim. How would a Parisian perceive U.S. shopping behaviors that Americans take for granted?

Almost every human behavior, from shopping to marriage to expressions of feelings, is learned. In the United States, people tend to view marriage as a choice between two people based on mutual feelings of love. In other nations and in other times, marriages have been arranged through an intricate process of interviews and negotiations between entire families, or in other cases, through a direct system, such as a “mail order bride.” To someone raised in New York City, the marriage customs of a family from Nigeria may seem strange or even wrong. Conversely, someone from a traditional Kolkata family might be perplexed with the idea of romantic love as the foundation for marriage and lifelong commitment. In other words, the way in which people view marriage depends largely on what they have been taught.

Behavior based on learned customs is not a bad thing. Being familiar with unwritten rules helps people feel secure and “normal.” Most people want to live their daily lives confident that their behaviors will not be challenged or disrupted. But even an action as seemingly simple as commuting to work evidences a great deal of cultural propriety.

Take the case of going to work on public transportation. Whether people are commuting in Dublin, Cairo, Mumbai, or San Francisco, many behaviors will be the same, but significant differences also arise between cultures. Typically, a passenger will find a marked bus stop or station, wait for his bus or train, pay an agent before or after boarding, and quietly take a seat if one is available. But when boarding a bus in Cairo, passengers might have to run because buses there often do not come to a full stop to take on patrons. Dublin bus riders would be expected to extend an arm to indicate that they want the bus to stop for them. And when boarding a commuter train in Mumbai, passengers must squeeze into overstuffed cars amid a lot of pushing and shoving on the crowded platforms. That kind of behavior would be considered the height of rudeness in the United States, but in Mumbai it reflects the daily challenges of getting around on a train system that is taxed to capacity.

In this example of commuting, culture consists of thoughts (expectations about personal space, for example) and tangible things (bus stops, trains, and seating capacity). Material culture refers to the objects or belongings of a group of people. Metro passes and bus tokens are part of material culture, as are automobiles, stores, and the physical structures where people worship. Nonmaterial culture, in contrast, consists of the ideas, attitudes, and beliefs of a society. Material and nonmaterial aspects of culture are linked, and physical objects often symbolize cultural ideas. A metro pass is a material object, but it represents a form of nonmaterial culture, namely, capitalism, and the acceptance of paying for transportation. Clothing, hairstyles, and, jewelry are part of material culture, but the appropriateness of wearing certain clothing for specific events reflects nonmaterial culture. A school building belongs to material culture, but the teaching methods and educational standards are part of education’s nonmaterial culture. These material and nonmaterial aspects of culture can vary subtly from region to region. As people travel farther afield, moving from different regions to entirely different parts of the world, certain material and nonmaterial aspects of culture become dramatically unfamiliar. What happens when we encounter different cultures? As we interact with cultures other than our own, we become more aware of the differences and commonalities between others’ worlds and our own.

Cultural Universals

Often, a comparison of one culture to another will reveal obvious differences. But all cultures also share common elements. Cultural universals are patterns or traits that are globally common to all societies. One example of a cultural universal is the family unit: every human society recognizes a family structure that regulates sexual reproduction and the care of children. Even so, how that family unit is defined and how it functions vary. In many Asian cultures, for example, family members from all generations commonly live together in one household. In these cultures, young adults continue to live in the extended household family structure until they marry and join their spouse’s household, or they may remain and raise their nuclear family within the extended family’s homestead. In the United States, by contrast, individuals are expected to leave home and live independently for a period before forming a family unit that consists of parents and their offspring. Other cultural universals include customs like funeral rites, weddings, and celebrations of births. However, each culture may view the ceremonies quite differently.

Anthropologist George Murdock first recognized the existence of cultural universals while studying systems of kinship around the world. Murdock found that cultural universals often revolve around basic human survival, such as finding food, clothing, and shelter, or around shared human experiences, such as birth and death or illness and healing.

Anthropologists closely examine modern and ancient human family structures, compare familial structures to those of our living primate relatives, and strive to understand pre-human familial structures based on the fossil record.

Modern family structures vary across cultures and across time indicating the variety of ways that a human society can be constructed. Cultural anthropologists are particularly interested in this variation and seek to better understand the diverse ways that families exist because it is within the family that we are first exposed to cultural norms and beliefs. Humans are enculturated by our families: we learn our religions, race, traditions, gender roles, etc. within our family units and then we bring these beliefs and traditions into our societies.

If you look at a society – consider the United States, as an example – you might say that the U.S. is one culture. But each state also has its own culture within the larger culture. Then, each city has its own, unique culture within that state’s culture, and each neighborhood also has its own specific culture. Then, within each neighborhood, each family has its own, unique traditions, beliefs, and practices. So, from this perspective, you can understand that the family unit is the smallest building block of our overall cultural system. No two families have identical beliefs, histories, or worldviews and we can understand how cultural conflict arises when we are able to examine the diverse cultural beliefs of each family group that still live side-by-side within a larger cultural context.

For many, our first childhood slumber party was a sort of anthropological fieldwork. Your first sleepover was the first time you realized that different people have different cultures and practices than you do. Other families may go to bed at a different time, they may have different rules about snacks or watching cartoons, other families may share chores in a way that is different from your own family, etc. These encounters can be the first instances that we are meaningfully introduced to cultural diversity and – in a way – participant observation. This is why anthropologists like to study family structures: closely examining family structures creates an opportunity to understand the basic building blocks of human nature, biological evolution, cultural norms, and cultural differences.

Cultural anthropologists call this the study of kinship. Kinship is a system of meaning and power that we create in order to determine who is responsible for whom (Guest). Each culture constructs familial responsibility differently. For example, some cultural groups believe that parents are responsible for children when they are young while children are then responsible for their parents later in life. Some cultures do not believe that children must care for aging parents and still each culture varies in the extent to which parents are expected to care for children (Ex: Should both parents raise the children? Should both parents earn money for the children? When should the children start earning money for the family – if at all? etc.)

At the same time, each culture constructs relatedness differently: Some cultures incorporate exclusively blood relatives, others believe that you can have family members who are not blood related to you. Some cultures believe that cousins and grandparents are part of the same household while, in other cultures, parents can live in entirely separate households. Each tradition varies from place to place, culture to culture, and generation to generation, and there is no one, universal idea of what kinship (or family) is nor is there one universal idea of what kinship (or family) should achieve.

While it’s difficult to come up with one clear definition of kinship, cultural anthropologists typically point to a variety of shared characteristics that we commonly see in kinship structures. Typically, kinship serves the following functions:

• Families provide support and they nurture
• Families ensure reproduction
• Families protect group assets
• Families influence, social, economic, and political systems

To summarize, anthropologists closely examine family structures because:

• Basic social structures frequently follow family structures
• The family is where humans learn behavior
• Family identity is intertwined with age, gender, ethnicity, sexuality
• It’s within our families that we learn gender roles, division of labor, religion, warfare, politics, migration, nationalism, etc.
• We create families in order to maintain cultural continuity.